. . .
The following has not been edited !!!
Sections 5.1 to 6.2 may be okay. 6.3 and 6.4 are still bad.
Sections 6.5 and 6.6 are good.
3.2 . Dalgarno's and Wilkin's Languages
After
Lull suggestions for a general language for a general
science were not uncommon in philosophy. But the
development of such a language was not made till the
1660's when
Ars Signorum (' The Art of Signs') of
George Dalgarno (1626-1687) and the
Essay towards a
Real Character and a Philosophical Langauge of John
Wilkins (1614-1672) and were printed. The ideas at the
ase of Wilkins's
Essay were, to some degree, copied
from Dalgarno. However. it is not by chance or without
good reason that Wilkins's book has been better
kept in memory than Dalgarno's. The working out in
detail of the ideas for a new consciously made language
is more valued than an outline of them and the Essay,
the last and separate part of which (by William Lloyd)
gives a full list of the English words of the day and
their senses in Wilkins's language, is on a much greater
scale than Dalgarno's. Things were not so hard for
Wilkins, who at one time or another was a Head of
Colleges at Oxford and Cambridge -- the only man
ever to have been so at the two places -- and who had a
high position in the Church of England ; he had the
backing of the newly formed Royal Society, of which
he was one of the Secretaries, and his book was printed
by the order and the necessary money came out of the
pocket of the Society. Dalgarno, on the other hand,
was a private school teacher.
Wilkins's purpose was, he says, to give a regular list
and account of all those things and ideas on which
marks or names might be put in agreement with their
natural properties, is being the end and design of the
different branches of science that all things and ideas
be placed in such a frame as may make clear their
natureal order, their ways of being dependent on one
another and their relations. (It is easy to see here the
- 15 -
effect of Bacon's teaching on the roads and limits to
knowledge in the sciences : science is the discovery and
ordering of natural groups of facts, not the building of
delicate theories of them.) Wilkins goes on to say that
an art of natural rules for forming statements and
questions is needed from which one will get ' such helps
and instrument s' as are necessary for the framing of
the simpler ideas into smooth and unbroken talk or
writing. The smaller and simpler this body of natural
rules is, the better. Wilkins had three points in mind :
the rules of his language were to be 'natural" ; the
57817 :un > A n .¢-.».P' s . 4_ .!9.l?9.
o n 41 I I l | I 4 : 8 .. gSSgfvwvulpg n
4- .-,--q'1'1 Wi ~ ... | l l ¢..t .:. ._ of which they
I 's
* *rr* 5 QI these
. *"* n L 1. » . H .
, so that the
names would in some way be in agreement with the
things they were signs of. In addition, Wilkins, like
Dalgarno before him, had the opinion that a system of
shorthand writing, in which the shorthand outlines are
dependent only on the sounds of the words, was
needed for a specially designed language such as his
and no small part of his book is given to the development
of this side of his language,
The great trouble Wilkins took to make his language
a living instrument of science (and international trade
and religion) was completely wasted-but for its helping
to keep before men's minds the thought that it is
possible for a language better than the everyday ones to
he formed by conscious art. The offspring of Wilkins's
brain was dead at birth. One reason for this was that
- 16 -
because of discoveries in science and the changes in
common knowledge caused by these it came to be seen
that his accounts of things in relation to 40 chief headings
and under these headings an attempted grouping
of all other things by divisions of higher and lower
levels, in this way giving an account of everything by
what it has in common with certain other things and
how it is different from them, as in taxonomy-were
false or without support, and, equally serious, ir was
seen that the new ideas and sorts of facts that were the
outcome of the new knowledge were not covered by
Wilkins at all, while they put in the shade much of
what was covered, for example about the Highest
Being and other such ideas that were a necessary part
of the beliefs of a man having authority in the Church..
. ¢.+ ; A a =i,,§* why W|.lkin.§'s,sg11||1:|;nn,,,l:nd. no "'¢;» "T
"" .U 11. .m. .
. ' 1.ii ..| \ . 1 1 natural blow . dge was very much
o 'ii d by him. On condition that a language is
ab to be used for making as sharp and as detailed
recordings of observations as is desired and is able to
undergo expansion, letting new ranges of fact and of
thought be talked about without unnecessary trouble
being caused by the language apparatus, then it is not
generally important for the natural sciences if the Language
is not as good as possible in other ways, for
example in having forms that are not completely
regular. On the other hand, languages, such as those of
mathematics, having short and simple signs and for
which there are rules for building statements which put
forward two groups of numbers or of other things as
being equal or being unequal and for going from some
given statements of this sort to other ones, by processes
of deduction, do have great powers of increasing and
ordering knowledge. But this knowledge is of possible
- 17-
relations between things, not of facts themselves.
Wilkins did not see that if a designed language was to
be of use in the way he was picturing to himself, it
would have to be a sort of arithmetic or algebra.
However, he was not expert enough in mathematics to
be able to make the necessary developments for this
new purpose .
3.3 . Descartes' Idea of a General Language
It seems that Descartes (1596-1650) was the first person
to have the idea of a general language -- ;une langue universelle' are his words rot it -- as a sort of arithmetic.
In s a letter to Mersenne of 20 November 1629 he said
that the invention of a language is possible in which
; an order is formed between all the thoughts which
..Ig . .1.. »;... . .. . 5 . . .. . m; ... . . . . .. 1. ¢ ... . . . w . § ". H . .. . ` sltessrhfsa ur - . .. Il
.. . * 8 "o I sl .--1 e . » . eng, are na
. ur 0 4 . . . .. jggptmone tlzon one daY...||.. dl these . 4 ¢ ;.;g v . . . o .
r . . .y . . . . . ¢"i1q§,h¢dgg¢ . . . m
i . .
. . • 1 fog
take about all the other things coming in our minds.
. . .The invention of this language is dependent on the
true philosophy, but for this it is not possible
for all the thoughts of men to be listed and put in
order or even to be made separate from one another so
that they become clear and simple, which is in my
opinion the great secret of getting well-based knowledge.
And if someone was to give a good account of
which are the simple ideas that are in men's minds of
which all their thoughts are made up . . . there would
he almost no chance of going wrong' No doubt wisely
Descartes made no attempt to give a list of all our
simple thoughts and to put them in order so that an
arithmetic of reasoning might be formed that would
let one get complete and certain knowledge of whatever
is true.
- 18 -
3.4 . Leibniz's Idea of a Mathematics of Thought
A little later Leibniz (1646-1716) had designs for a new
and general language that were not unlike Descartes', but
he took them some stages further. From as early as his
De Arte Combinatqria ('On the Art of Complex Forms') ,
printed in 1666, Leibniz made suggestions fot. a
m .L1 I atics of ideas . . . . J ¢ ; . . . »-. a. ¢~= . ~- |
...4."}*.. ....~.......g;=1&£.
:4 1 1 ran F . .2.,*31 5, T, I . " . . ....» I . u.. . 8 . i . . 4. .
1 ¢ . | . . diiniaunsg . .
.. l . . : . r0|4¢ibJ1=@w~iat»b¥ .. . . e a
. . . . ¢|g§|4| he .in that
. . J . \.. x|3,.3.5=-5;-c7)..sa all . . T 1d4mh4H8h»IIid1HuIG. .. . .
0 p . . . . .
. . . . . . .axe
ybc nned byp1|3.:t.ii:gtogetl1er aomeof thesilmghn!p. . . u . . . . .-.
e simple .nletedhy numbers in " A7 .. . . 3898s . . . u 4; 4439
'S=,`?',iI,13,...Whi1€tli¢euncip&::r . . ..
. ..- . . . 1 1.1
*1 . . . =~ . . in 41' ml# 6 . . . 5 I 4. . . J 1 - EM. is ¢§r3x5), 21 (_-32 * u . . I
. . . Ti . ~4+.r . H. . . .
.» lc: idea being iependsrnnx on te
*..L..
I 1 . . . hi - " 5; . i| . | . . ..
*•...:
. . . . I .
.I ... | • . si an ABB.a£.|lun:Iu4§a . 8 . . . . . 4 r .
I v 9 . g v .. . . .. J . . 1.
4.gf _mwu\gn=hihmla¢wm& l 2 ¢ . Q
l r.. . ,aminatmment for the discovery land
*
24G...
Leibniz was ruled by a belief in mathematics as the
*.scanned.toe~..v... . . .£ .
#I 5 l nv: l 9; are able £9 undergo 1 . . f* "*
. I
.&=:t.d49no~|»»m.s11 s@»st€°n»~=sls°=a= . . . . . .4 . 4 .=| . .
ntrd "m ao far as such decisions are by
- 19 -
reasoning from the given facts. Because though some
*i
expenences are ever needed as a base for reasoning,
when these experiences have been given we would get
from them everything that any person would ever be
able to get from them, and we would even make the
discovery of what more experience is necessary if our
minds are to become free from the rest of our doubts.
. . . If we had a body of signs that were right for the
purpose of our talking about all our ideas as clearly
and in as true and as detailed a way as numbers are
talked about in Arithmetic or lines are talked about in
the Geometry of Analysis, we would be able to do for
every question, in so far as it is under the control of
reasoning, that one is able to do in Arithmetic and
. pendant
' and
'I of signs and by a sort of Algebra; an effect
me 0 this is that the discovery of facts of great interest and
attraction would become quite straightforward. It
would not be necessary for our heads to be broken in
bard work as much as they are now and we would certainly
be able to get all the knowledge possible from the
material given. In addition, we would have everyone in
agreement about whatever would have been worked out ,
because it would be simple to have the working gone
into by doing it again or by attempting tests like that of
"putting out nines" in Arithmetic. And if anyone had
doubts of one of my statements I would say to him : ict us
do the question by using numbers, and in this way, taking
pen and ink, we would quickly co me to an answer.'
- 20 -
3.5 . Leibniz's Errors
The idea of what we have been
naming a complete and automatic language for
reasoning is made very clear by these words of Leibniz. But
though he frequently gave attention to the idea of such
- 20 -
a language he did little with it. He was at the same distance
from having a new language system at the end as
he had been in 1666. His design got no further than
being designs -- and rough ones. Leibniz went wrong in
two ways. Firstly, he was unwise not to have msfr much
.%Fef tI~fe be
desired inention.
There is no hope of covering from the very start every
part of what might be reasoned about ; the building of
any such apparatus as was pictured by Leibniz, as of
any theory in science, comes only with a slow process of
growth, not jumping suddenly into a condition of full
development at birth like Athena out of the head of
Zeus. It is necessary to go one step at a time, starting
with what is simplest; this is the best way of getting
knowledge that is of value in itself and of value as a base
for making wider the range of facts or thoughts taken
into account. Leibniz would have done much better by
limiting himself to an attempted forming of a language
for no more than one or two branches of the mathematics
of his day. Desiring to have a system that was a
guide to everything, he was unable to put together a
system that was a guide to anything. At the back of this
desire was the belief, by which Descartes earlier had
been gripped, that to a person like himself who had
made such new and important discoveries in mathematics
the invention of an instrument of logic having
the power to give the answers, without error and with-
out waste, to all that is a question for man's reason, was
a work of little trouble and of little time. This belief was
one side of the thought then current: in living memory a
great increase of knowledge had taken place and the
mind had become much more free and open, had
become forward-looking and full of hope, sharply
conscious of its powers.
- 21 -
Secondly, Leibniz went wrong by desireing to have
4 J I. I an . I '.~~ i .., \
. 1: v »=¢1r»\lln41e a
: 1 :Wt
~ m<>£1°d¢.,=iru1s4§r:.:sese the .. ~.
" ~~a 4 ~tem in wbish #li '=1\!f=~U1l§11* be
. xit:?Wdu1d 'Be or ei-EH-a" system of
. "~¥M"i>1=@==~w1>hs=. The reward would have been
greater if he had made the decision to keep to the logic,
which is so much more straightforward and which
would have given him the chance of turning the metal
of the old logic into the gold of a new and better one,
for example one whose laws, unlike those of Syllogistic,
are enough and have the right properties so that the
validity of arguments in at least some of the theories of
mathematics may be tested and judged. Or, if Leibniz
had the feeling that the material in addition to the form
of reasoning had to be a part of his language system,
he might have done well -- much better than he did --
by letting himself be interested in the bricks of only
mathematics, having as his purpose an organization of
mathematics based on its simplest ideas and starting-
points. A road to the full development of such an
organization was not seen till about 200 years later : by
Frege, Peano, Whitehead and Russell, in the years
between 1875 and 1910.
It would not be right to get the idea that Leibniz's
work was of no value at all because his controlling
thought of a new mathematics-like language came to
nothing. Having that thought, it was natural that his
mind was transported in the direction of logic itself
and there he made a number of important discoveries
some of them in Syllogistic but most of them in fields of
1logic that were new or had been given little attention
befpre. However, these discoveries were not taken
seriously till much later because the separate bits were
- 22 -
not united in a general theory and so, not being complete
enough, they were not put in print or offered to
the public in Leibniz's time or even till long after; by
then they were common knowledge, not as his teachings
but as the teachings of theories worked out in the years
after 1840, theories whose start and development were
in no way dependent on Leibniz's work on logic.
4 4 . CHANGES IN ALGEGRA AND GEOMETRY, 1825-1900
4.1 . Peacock's Algebra
Between 1825 and 1900
algebra and geometry underwent great changes, changes
producing by 1900 a completely different general outlook
in the philosophy of mathematics from that which
had been common before. The changed forms and
purposes of algebra and geometry had a strong effect on
all the parts and at every stage in the growth of
Mathematical Logic.
An equation is a statement that two things, normally
two groups of number. or of signs representative of
numbers, are equal. Till 1825 or a little after that,
.=.=.=.~.:w...
4§s¢ I • o I ll >... ». ;.¢ ¢.....,»..;4 *.#&'4l»81%;*9l¢.9x.7<:.
-q ,re Q , . .
..4- ¢... .7."= "*°~ . "
.. ...|n
1: .. . -A |
x ~i;"""l *%~8'¢¥iiW .,. Fda
learning about in high school, for example 3x-2y = 11
- 23 -
and ax'+bx+c =0. The business of the theory was to
get a knowledge of how such equations may be worked
out to give number values which make them true and
M get a knowledge of the conditions controlling the
existence of and relations between the number values.
The four operations of addition and so on were dOne,
as they are still done by schoolboys, more or less un-
consciously by making whatever moves seemed right
and natural, the rules supporting these moves resting
in the dark. There was no thought that a statement of
the rules was necessary or might be a help in the
development of algebra. It is strange that though
geometry had early in its history been turned into a
structure of fixed starting-points and of reasonings from
these, the position of algebra, like arithmetic, was
dilferent. The need of forming a table of and of being
consciously guided by the laws of algebra which say
what are the properties of the operations in algebra was
seen only by Peacock (1791-1858). In his book
A
Treatise on Algebra (l830; second writing, in two parts,
1842-1845) the idea was put forward that algebra is,
rightly viewed, a science of deductions like geometry.
(At about the same time -1837- the first account of
Newton's mechanics as a science of deductions, copying
Euclid's Elements, was given by Whewell, a friend of
Peacock, in his Mechanical Euclid.) Peacock had two
chief points which are to be noted here. Firstly, all the
processes of algebra have to l.;e...based _on acomolete
stat nt t h e b o d of 13y§-whiQ138£e_about the I
operations used in those processes, no pro erty of an
operation_b__ejg,g,_3;§_eg.l.j t e
Examples of the laws
.g1 9 i * . _of 419 4 is |
af . £ t l. . .. - . 44 . 14 j ' . . Qi L ..;
I ti i ?» n outcoméis || . " I i
. . . 48 ` . ... gg.8 7 " . . .. . u 4
U 11 r + vanabfes is changed: a+b .
. .1" . . `u8.4 1"* ; §. ! F . . t " *d9 ii . . . . rmreiagg ¢ ., 1
n| ! .: ¢jat _in outcome is l g . 4 . tile g. ;.;. H. .. 4 . 4. . 4 3;
IF e . w .* 4$ > * se . . !r.;.
. . * *..wa . v . y ¢*|i4--*--»-
w5. r§Q"1 * ii . a . . . . .. . . .
. t r H* . . . . .r 4: . .3r§§ I1* .. . . . 1. """"3* l r sae I 110 I 1. n I
av ` r 5=ax c. P
-25-
4.2 . Equations of the Fifth Degree
Another event
causing the movement in the direction of Abstract
Algebra and away from the limits of the old theory of
equations was the surprising discovery br Abel and
others n numlbtt .
..w'§»'8ll»ll¢%istA
..9..H.! ."=:i°°s. ..¢t..s8¢?§!"e3s...4:
. 1 . . . .. . : I 0
.£91 : . m. . ..9r?" we * _8 1 . .. 5..$ 8* . . . F; |1 .
.\. |" | be y can Nzetie- H prooenews
- 25 -
specially the taking of square and higher roots-which
make possible the automatic getting of number values
for equations of degree 1, 2, 3 or 4. The belief had
become fixed that answers to questions about the
number values for equations of higher degree than the
fourth would be (and anyhow that it would not be
possible to make certain that they may not be) got
in the same simple way as for those equations of no
higher than the fourth degree. Abel's discovery was
seriously damaging to the belief, having a wide distribution
among workers in science and philosophy, that at
least the heart of future knowledge will be in agreement
with the expert knowledge of their time. This
belief had to take blow after blow, not only in mathematics
but in the natural sciences, through the years
after this discovery in algebra, some of the blows
coming from Mathematical Logic.
Galois, in attempting
t ; |;.|. 1 ' ' ` to Nwmwagntai _ I I F =;¢&4;
-.. : nm5 a u
*"§¥;2.Zi;3v ~;. I ... &. > <
5 4 o I »
ri°"*!§~ . . . m. >. .. su : . u -~ . .. 4: * 8"1'l1|* / si. . .
+ .
..p¢=¢x »£ e " 1 . ku
quickly into being as the first new branch of Abstract
Algebra. In this way the changes in algebra taking
place in England came together in harmony with those
taking place in other countries of Europe.
4.3 . Vector and Matrix Algebra
To those who were
pained by the discoveries of Abel and Galois, worse
was to come. They were given more, violent shocks by
the systems of Vector Algebra and Matrix Algebra
worked out not long after the death of Galois in 1812.
These systems were company for Group Theory as new
branches of Abstract Algebra.
- 26 -
' I U i 4 . ... . * *lux MIL jr . 41.s . ur . n 1 . . . . .. ... ..\. - " . " " ...n4 ;i ..3.. 5W *§&iv .. ¢... ,.§;¢ 4;:5 4|lt=\r
r . . * 11. .. . . . .. . - I . . r'==. 1
....z....e..-¥..r.*w:~,~4 4 : . .4 q 9. I . - 1 ( .an ri n . mu
.4 r . . ¢; ... .. . . . " " ¢ uw. • . . . . 9
"...%...... ..._.).;...
..m I 6 . . i IL l n . . .. . .x
4*1'¢W'*t...|4|-¢Hin0. .4 I • gr ¢ - P in a p 1 e . i .. .*.. 1 § . .
W ER. 8.. -.
L *vw IM. tt: 3 . w1.-= *W* Lyw.8, H»=m1=m4 .. 1 . *I l 1 + i 2 I | . . * the J* . §. . . . . . .¢.; . M gg.. . . 4 *is s.:
li3I .4I4h.l|9.| I tally .+ tu . . ... .. '*= " . .... . . . . . 89%... . 8 .. .. :rams- .
J* r ways like l Ol .._ .
.5 . . .=¢,@.. .: . 1 . a. . n . . 4 | 1.
. * 5 I 8 %. Ple i um . . . M8 E- 061
1 . ,1ggh|4um
18 that ax c)-=(axh}+(axc). (Signs for
direction-properties and for operations on them are
normally put in blacker print.)
The 1850's saw
I . * . 1 ..i . t
85 dn§¥a,;
4 il •. k-. .. . Q; &1.*2 = 1 | | a. $...i . I. 0 . . .
088.831 .'>. . th»:.sa.n1¢_m1he. 9 .9 . • . . ;" 4.3 . 4 §| . " . .
0. .
. • . . . . . .
1 1 . . as, a . . .. ... . • _ *.. .i . . . .. . I . r .r . . . . . . . s . 4. i pa - .. '. . • . ". I .E . an .. . Algebra M lhwi
wr 8"|3§BxA is not generally true. To take a simple
3 example: let A=(l 2) and B=( ) ;then by the sense
4
given to :=< in connection with number tables AxB -
(1 =(1.3+2.4]=ll1), while on the other hand
(3)
..
6• BxA (1 2)=(3 I his ¢|,¢"¢h;ttl1ue.¢ _
(8) 4 8)
U .. . . . 2 . . . s . . . . . .
-a. ... ... . \. .. .S|{..1. ¢...M |e-:1=1e..|: . *4 l. * .... .8. T 4 . JE'.j .4.. .. .." .. . a
e .. ss .v . . ... 2. . _ " v . . . ;L. .:
; .l I rifihw hnmdmummnmMxnMHm»umm4d9
- 27 -
. 1 . F g,. ...- 4 .4 . ni t. . . . r
. . 8 9. * . :. . .. 1 " ' *gag " 1 ..`
4 = . ". H. - "
|4 . i =M=ti11s pount 8 ,rr V74 Yu I hr | any * > . .. .* .r¢~ . r.. * " " .
. .I . 1: L ..* . . 5
+e!? | . .. *984. . vi ". . 9 : . .. . " . x 4 . : T r - an-pnI=@in1||»\un:d33i¢ • * .- 4 f . .. . . .. . 4 .. . In ; . J 9. . 4.
.
. . . . . . 81lM!\lih¢¢2n1§»cQnsd0W H P ra - 4 a. *rcllsar what mm 3h¢*-3¢ilF§;l§gg * : .
.
. . . . ..4.= ... . a.. used in the - ..c .. ;1i&¢rnnt. Belds . . 4
. . 8 .
a.. . 1 M||gt9|=Q8 f . . "aa . . 41 .. . 1Im. 2
.. ;2 \ . . 2 . e mane i.
M*r i | | Qn¢, . . This £1138586 .in algebra, whose full
. >¢» ==a~r. . . . "Q": * .. . ... . . . . ). vwna Qigxeat. wish*. . 4 . v
in the development of almost every other part of
mathematics. To give only one example of the way in
w c Mathematical Logic was touched by it: because
of the new current of ideas Schroeder and Whitehead
in the 1890's were caused to give an account of the
algebra of logic in the form of a science of deductions
using to no small degree the signs and processes of
algebra and of its latest directions in Abstract Algebra.
These workers, in their turn, were copied by others,
and it became the normal thing in Mathematical Logic
to take note of the latest theories in algebra, by which
it is offered new food for thought that keeps it a living
branch of philosophy and science.
- 28 -
4.4 . Geometries of Euclid and Lobachevsky
1
as Geometries of Euclid and Lobachevsky. Fo6
. . *
. . .. I ,s\=rs°s=1h¢4~*e*¢* . . . . U r... .
. .A I I ng; oin8~ Thi Ent in! . . . . ik := . 4 time ..
. . . . .* .
* .. . .
» ua be true without the support of reamonmg.
y 's doing this, geometry was changed and kept from
being nothing but a mass of separate statements and
- 28 -
was turned into a united body of knowledge, all the
parts of which were dependent and in connection with
one another. Because of Euclid's work geometry was_
looked at down the years as the most complete branch
of mathematics and its deduction form was looked at as
offering the best way to true knowledge and, outside
religon, the highest knowledge.
--~» -~'~t was thc invention by.»||...~.,:...... it | | e ml. J 4 33 \ ¢|§=|.l¢a»*q
~"s...~gp..n..»34
a~...~ ' .. 4.. 'L' I 1 .»» glggqg8 4.
...»4.*...~w.,_»._.~~;..~1.~ 1 =~>=~1»~
1 4-~ ` e -. s More than one l I | ' 1
parallel to the given line. Other ways in which they are
different are outcomes of this; for example the law of
Pythagoras is true and may be got by deduction in
Euclid's but is false and may not be got by deduction in
Lobachevsky's geometry. The fact that one was able to
have a system other than Euclid's came as a deep
shock, producing in a quite short time a view of what
mathematics is about, what its purpose is and what its
relations to physical space and things in that space are
which was completely unlike the normal, old view in
the philosophy of mathematics. When it was seen that
one may have two geometries where what is true in one
is false in the other, the old opinions such as Plato's,
the Schoolmen's, Spinoza's, Leibniz's and Kant's by
which mathematics is a science giving completely certain
knowledge of existence -- natural or higher-than-
natural, and if not of things-in-themselves, then of
things as they seem to be -- were not able to be put
forward with reason on their side.
The effect of the changed outlook on
mathematics and specially geometry was to make theories in
mathematics viewed not as in themselves natural knowledge
- 29 -
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lllolutniunnbersandspa1eesandsucl:|like\bings,tonuake
inmueatixuug dileovelies about their properties and rehtium, and to put the supported by these dis-
ouveries into systems of reasoning. Mathematics is the
hee invention of the mind, limited only by possible
uses in natural science that may be desired and by
rules of logic that one is willing or is forced, as a person
of good sense, to be guided by.
The third turning-point in the history of geometry is
best talked about in connection with what comes under
the fourth and last of the headings given in 2.1, so we
will now go on to that.
- 30 -
Sections 5.1 to 6.2 may be okay. 6.3 and 6.4 are bad. 6.5 and 6.6 are good.
5 CONSISTENCY AND METAMATHEMATICS
5.1 . Mathematics and Systems of Deductions : Consistency
The idea of the parts of mathematics as
systems of deductions goes back to Euclid's work in
geometry, geometry being the first part of mathematics
that was made into a system of this sort. What a system
Of deductions is has been outlined clearly enough to
the reader for us not to have to go into more detail
- 30 -
about it at this stage, though more will be said later.
What we will have to say something about here is
another side or level of a system of deductions, the idea
of which has been very importance for Mathematical
Logic.
Some attention in relation to geometry had been
given before the 1890's to the question : Is it possible
to get the end of one chain of deduction in a system
a statement S, which becomes by this fact a theorem -- a
true statement -- of the system and to get at the end of
another such chain the theorem not-s which says that
s is after all, false ? A system of deductions is said to
have the property of consistency if and only if it does not
have two opposite theorems s and not-s. The amount
of attention that had been given to the question of
consistency had been small because the question had
not been taken very seriously, the belief being general
in mathematics that any expert was able quickly to see
the answer to the question of a system's consistency
without his having or needing a supporting argument.
But in the 1890's the question was viewed as interesting
and important by that Italian school of mathematics
that was headed by Peano. From the point of view of
logic there is no doubt the question is an important
one because any statement whatever abut the field
under discussion becomes a theorem in a system that
does not have the property of consistency, the statements
being true ones or being false ones about the
field, so htat what is true would not be able to be kept
separate from what is false, while the very purpose of a
system is to have true nad only true statements about
the field as theorems. Because the question of consistency
is important, how the answer is made and supported
is important. Peano's opinion was that reasoning
and clear public tests are the right instruments for
making decisions about consistency. (See end of
9.4.) - 31 -
He had the same opinion about another question that
might be put about a system of deductions. Giving the
name axiom to a statement that is taken to be true,
without the support of reasoning, at the base of such a
system, this question is : Are an of the axioms of the
system dependent on the others in the sense that it is
possible to get an axiom as a theorem at the end of a
deduction in which the axiom it self is not used?
Some thought had been given to this question and
the question of consistency from quite early times in
connection with attempts to get Euclid's axiom of
parallels as a step in a deduction not resting on that
axiom, these attempts being made to let one see that that
axiom is dependent on the other axioms : which it is not.
However, only in the 1890's were these questions regularly
put, and put about all systems of deductions in
mathematics, and were ways designed for answering
them by arguments. Peano and his school were chiefly.
responsible for this, though from late in the 1890's the
work, in the same direction, that was done by Hilbert
in Germany had a greater effect on later developments.
5.2. Metamathematics. From this work came a new
branch of Mathematical Logic : metamathematics. The
business of metamathematics is with what may be truly
said about some system ( or group of systems) of deductions,
for example that it has the property of consistency
or that no axiom is dependent on the others. If S is a
system whose field under discussion is F, then the purpose
of S is the building of a framework of supportable
theorems about F, the theorems saying what true relations
there are between the things in F. If S is an
arithmetic, then a theorem in S such as ' 7 + 5= -12 ' is
- 32 -
about numbers. On the other hand, ' "'7 + 5 = 12 " is a
theorem in S; ' is not about numbers ; it is a statement
about a statement about numbers. ' 7 + 5 = 12 ' is a
theorem in S ; ' "7 + 5 = 12 " is a theorem in S' is not a
theorem in S but a theorem in the metamathematics S'
of S. It is necessary for the reader to see what this delicate
point is that makes S and S' different from one another.
Every system S has its metamathematics S',
sometimes named its ' logic'\ ', which is formed of the
true statement, and the argueements for them, that may
be made about about S, while S itself is formed of the true
statements and the arguments for them be
made about F ; for example, if SF is an arithmetic of the
common so , then F is the body of all the numbers
such as 34, 1/2, -6/79. S is normally a part of mathematics,
though systems of deductions outside mathematics
are possible ; S' is a part of logic: the logic of
that part S of mathematics. The birth of Mathematical
Logic was in the 1840's. Most of its more important
and more interesting developments after its first 50
years of growth have been at the level of metamathematics.
- 33 -
6 BOOLE'S ALGEBRA OF LOGIC
6.1 . Boole and the older Logics of Aristotle and Hamilton - De Morgan
Now that the four currents of
thought named in 2.1 have been talked about, we may
have a look at that stretch of Mathematical Logic which
their motion and driving-force have so far produced ;
as one might say, the look will be given from the footway
at the side of the river and not from the point of
view of one having a swim underwater, because clearly
we are not able to go deeply into Mathematical Logic
here.
What was the start of Mathematical Logic ? The
shortest and simplest answer is George Boole's
Mathematical Analysis of Logic (full name: The Mathematical
Analysis of Logic, being an essay towards a calculus of
of deductive reasoning) There is nothing
completely new under the sun. Every birth is the
outcome of earlier events. So Boole's little book of 82
pages was only marking a stage in an unbroken line of
thought from the past. However, though ir certainly
had connections with what some others had done, it
was still different enough from the rest for ir rightly to
be seen as starting a quite new theory -- the theory of
Mathematical Logic -- and not as being another step in
an old one .
The earlier teachings in logic of which Boole had a
knowledge and which had an effect on him were, on the
one hand, those of Sir William Hamilton (1788-1856) and De
Morgan (1806-1871) on the theory that was based on
the changing of the four, A, E, I, and O forms into a
greater number of forms in which the amount of the
predicate is given ; for example, Hamilton has two A
forms, one being ' all S is all P ' and the other being
' all S is some P '. For later developments two points
were important in the theory of Hamilton and De
Morgan (the two of whom had a bitter fight, Hamilton
protesting that his ideas had been taken from him
without his being given credit for them, and De Morgan
answering that his account was not at all dependent
on anything that Hamilton had ever said). One point
- 34 -
was the weight placed by it on the amounts of predicates
in statements the old logic noting only the
amounts of subjects. The value of this was that every
statement of the subject-predicate form was able to be
turned into an equation or into a statement that an
equation was false. By placing this weight on the idea of
an equation, logic was moved near to algebra. Secondly,
what had been named by Aristotle the two ' ends ',
S and P of a statement had generally been viewed as
signs. of qualities. In the new theory of Hamilton and
De Morgan S and P were changed into being signs of
the things themselves that have the qualities. An example
of an A statement in the old logic is ' all leaf is
green ', this having the sense that the quality of green is
a 'part' of the quality of leaf. From the point of view
of the new theory this statement had the sense of saying
that whatever thing is a leaf has the property of being
green: 'all leaves are green things'; or, putting it another
way, 'the group of all the things that are leaves is
a "part" of all the things that are green'. Putting the
change shortly, it was a change from 'all S is P' to
'all S's are P's'. Though the reading of 'all S is P' as
'all S's are P's' had sometimes taken place before
Hamilton and De Morgan (for example in Whately's
Logak), the reasons for so doing, when there were any
conscious reasons, were not reasons of logic. And the
greater minds, such as Leibniz's, had kept to the S and
P form, not making use of the S's and P's form. It was
because they kept to the S and P form that they were
stopped from building a better logic. The better logic
they had hopes of building was to be a logic of mathematics,
even if for more than of mathematics, and it
was to be one based on mathematics. However, reasoning
in mathematics is generally not about qualities as
such but about the things that have the qualities.
- 35 -
For
example, geometry is not a theory of the qualities
' being a point ', ' being a line ' and ' being a plane ', it is a
theory of the things that are points, lines and planes .
The name used in logic and mathematics for a group
of all the things that have a certain simple or complex
property is class and the things that have the propertyr
are said to be the elements of the class. The ideas of
class and class elements are root ideas in all present
day mathematics. The outcome of the Hamilton-De
Morgan theory was to make possible a view of logic as
being, at least in one of its branches, an algebra of classes.
Boole was the first man to have this view clearly.
6.2 . Boole the Man
Boole (1815-1864) was, till he
went across the sea to Ireland as the first Professor of
Mathematics at Queen's College, Cork, when this was
started in 1849, an English private schoolteacher, whose
schooling had come to an end when he was only a boy
and who had at no time any sort of higher education.
His father was in trade on a very small scale, as a shoe-maker,
and is family had little money. The older
Boole was a man of regular behaviour, living with care,
and having a love of learning and a deep interest in the
sciences. These qualities were handed down to his son,
who got from his father, in addition, a knowledge of
the simpler parts of mathematics. George Boole beaume
a teacher for his living when he was only 16 years
old. By teaching himself from books in his free time
hom teaching others, he quickly became a person of
wide learning, specially expert in mathematics. When
he was 24 he was writing papers on new mathematics
for the Cambridge Mathematical Journal and five years
later the Royal Society gave him a special mark of
reward for the very first paper he sent it. He is a good
example of what might be done by self-help.
-36-
6.3 . Boole's 'Mathematical Analysis of Logic'
Boole's first of four books was The Mathematical
Analysis of Logic, whose writing took only some weeks
in the spring of 1847, when he was 31. This is a work
offering a logic bsed on the mathematics, chiefly algebra ;
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outcome of them from their equations -- if they have any
necessary outcome.
But, and this was a great step forward, Boole gave in
addition an account of the logic of statement connections
(2.7) as an algebra ; unlike Leibniz, Hamilton and
De Morgan, he saw that this part of logic was important,
aland where others had been completely at a loss
he was able to give a good theory of it. It is interesting
that his theory was the very same in form as that of the
algebra of classes. Boole was the first man to give a
united theory of logic.
We have said that Boole 's algebra of statement
connections is the very same in form as his algebra of
classes. This is true of the body of the book. But after
this had been printed an addition of some pages to
make clear a number of points in it was put in, and on
the very last page Boole made a note of the fact that
there is one way in which the two parts of logic are
different. The algebra of statement connections has all
the laws of algebra of classes and it has one more
law in addition.
- 38 -
6.4 . Class and statement readings of Boole's Algebra
At the start of his opening discussion in The
Mathematical Analysis of Logic Boole says that those
who are in touch with the present condition of ' theory
of Symbolical Algebra ' are conscious of the fact
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.
Boole's algebra of logic is one theory; there are (at
least) two systems of readings of it, one in connection
with material about classes, the other in connection 4
with material about statements. For example, in the
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For Boole a statement 'x' is separate form the statement.
' "x" is true ' in which 'x' is put forward as being
true ; the second statement is separate from the first if
only because the first might be put forward as being
false and not as being true. In Boole's algebras of
statement connections the statement ' "x" is true ' becomes
the equation x = 1, while the statement ' "x" is false '
becomes the equation x = 0. Because every x is true or
false, a law of this algebra is: x = 0 or x = 1. This law is
specific to the algebra of statement connections ( see end
of 6.4).
- 39 -