PSYCHE
AN ANNUAL OF GENERAL AND LINGUISTIC PSYCHOLOGY
Edited by   C. K. OGDEN
VOLUME XVIII 1938 -- 1952
THE ORTHOLOGICAL INSTITUTE

	CONTENTS	Page
EDITORIAL	The Origins of Archetypation ; Retrospective ; Can you see Space ?	5
C. K. OGDEN :	Word Magic
	I . The Power of Words	19
	A. Verbal Magic	58
	B. Modern Methods	79
	II. Towards a Science of Orthology	96
	Useful and Entertaining Knowledge	127
J. O. ANDERSON :	Why did Plato write the Cratius ?	205
G. G. CAMPION :	Mental Connectedness and Neurolopgy	210
D.G.M. WILLIAMS :	The Work of some Contemporary Philosophical Schools	227
OWEN E. HOLLOWAY :	Humanistic Education for the Present	234
Q. H. FLACCUS :	Hasperian Catch	364
H. G. WELLS :	The Rights of Man	365
ORTHOLOGICAL INSTITUTE	From Bentham to Brougham ; The Mayors of Cambridge ; Timothy Bright ; Characterie ; Pollonius ; Basic Sign-writing ; Publications	371
JUDICIAL JUXTAPOSITION	New Testament	387
EPILOGUE		397
ILLUSTRATIONS	Facing Page
	War Wizard breathing Words of Power	25
	Women breathing a Magical spell	25
	Wilkes, Glynn, and Horne Tooke (1796)	372
	John Horne Tooke (1777)	373

---


Editorial :
Test 5




        { Selected scanned or Dragon pages will be added in coming months.}


---

THE RIGHTS OF MAN
by H. G. WELLS
GENERAL NOTE

Put into Basic English with his help and approval (1941) by C..K.Ogden.
- 365 -

    In little more than 100 years a complete change has taken place in the material conditions of existence. Invention and discovery have made it possible for men and news to get so much more quickly round and about the earth that the distances which kept nations and governments separate have almost been overcome. At the same time there is been a great development of machine-industry, freeing men for work in other directions, that our powers of working within or against one another, and of using, wasting, or increasing the fruits of the earth are on a new scale, and it is hard even to make a comparison with earlier times all through the past thirty years the rate of this process of change has been increasing and is now not far from a danger point.
    The greater dangers and chances of these new conditions have made adjustments necessary in our ways of living and in the structure of society. We are being forced to the organization of harmony among the separate governments which have so far been the instruments of man's political purposes.
    At the same time, the economies, we have to keep the good things of the earth safe from the waste and destruction which have been caused by the sudden expansion of business undertaking for profit and by the increasing power of money over men and things.
    Public control in the political field, in trade, in industry, and in society generally, is being forced on us. Our reaction to these new conditions is without direction; chances of greater well-being are being wasted for ever.
    Government is getting into the hands of one group which takes power from the rest, or is being given over to organizations in trade or industry which have been strong enough to put an end to competition.
    Religion, education, and the newspapers are ruled by groups and persons who are not representative of public opinion, while men of science and letters, and a number of other workers in the arts of peace, which have so far had a free and natural development, or experiencing the effects of this massing of power.
    Governments and the great organizations of industry and banking, as we now see them, are not designed to have such powers; their growth was the outcome of the needs of earlier times.
-365-
        Under the new conditions, men have the feeling that they are less safe and there is an increase in the wrong or cruel use of authority; we become less free, specially in thought and in public talk. By slow degrees these badly working governments and controls are limiting that free use of the mind which keeps us happy and able to do our work well.
    By acting quickly and secretly, controlling organizations are for a time in the position to get things done at the price of a deep and ever more serious undermining of the structures of a good society.
    When men and nations no longer have the feeling that they are free and responsible, they first let themselves be crushed by their rulers and then give way to violent outbursts against law and order. Belief in a good future and the power to make balanced decisions give place to loss of self-control, loss of interest, and work of poor quality.
    Everywhere war becomes more serious in its effects and the grip of the moneymakers becomes stronger, so that those very same increases of power and chances of further development which have given men the idea of an unlimited future, with more than enough of the good things of the earth for all, may go under again, possibly for ever, in a violent destruction of society ending all hope of better things.
    It becomes clear that this process will only be stopped by a new order of society, stretching to the ends of the earth, in which political, trade, and business interests are United for a common purpose.
    All men would do well to give attention to the history of the nations of the West.
    In the past, whenever it had been necessary to put power into the hands of one man or a small group of men, it has been the way of what are named the Democratic or Parliamentary countries to make once again a strong and clear statement or Declaration of the rights of man.
    Never before has the need for such a Declaration been so important as at present.
    We of the Parliamentary countries are clear that an organization of society based on control by all of the interests of all is necessary and will come about, but, as in the past, we put forward that belief together with a Declaration of Rights, so that is the outcome of the great changes now taking place we may get not an attempt made in the dark to put things straight, but a reasoned design for the future, worked out in the full light of day.
    To that instrument then, which is been marked out by history for the purpose, a Declaration of Rights, we now come back once more, but on a scale which will take in all the countries of the earth.

1.     RIGHT TO EXIST
    The word man in This Declaration is used for any living person, young or old, male or female.
    Every man is a part owner of all the goods and natural materials, and of the powers, inventions, and chances of development which have come down to us from the men of earlier times.
    Inside the limits of what there is for distribution, all men of every sort or color, whatever their beliefs or opinions, have the right to the food, cover, and medical care needed for the folded filament of mind and body from birth to death. However different and unequal their qualities may be, all men are to are to be looked on as completely equal in the eyes of the law, and as having an equal right to the respect of other men.
   
2.     CARE OF THE YOUNG
    The right and the natural persons to be responsible for these who are not old enough to take care of themselves are their fathers and mothers.
    Where is it not possible for this care, or any part of it, to be given socially, taking into account the family conditions of the boy or girl, will be responsible for their safekeeping by other persons.

3.     WORK FOR SOCIETY
    It is the business of every man not only to have respect for the rights of all other men in every part of the earth, but to give those rights his support and take steps to put them into effect.
    In addition, it is his business to do his part of any necessary work, which the rewards in operation in a free society do not take into account, so as to make certain that such work gets done.
    It is only by taking part in such work that a man is able to make clear his right to a place in society.
    No man is to be forced to undertake military or other work which is against his sense of right and wrong, but he who does no work whatsoever for society will be without political rights and under the control of others.

4.     RIGHT TO KNOWLEDGE
    It is the business of society to give every man enough education to make him of as much use to others, as interested in his work, and as free in his powers make it possible for him to be; to put all knowledge before him; and to make him have whatever special education may be needed to give him the same chance as others for the development of his special powers as an instrument for helping his brother-men. The authorities are to see that he is able to get quickly and readily at all facts necessary for forming his opinion on current questions and events.

5.     THOUGHT AND RELIGION
    Every man will have the right to be quite free in talking and writing, in discussion, in joining with others, and in religion..

6.     RIGHT TO WORK
    So long as the needs of society are taken care of, a man may freely take up any work which is not against the law, and get payment in relation to the value of his work to society were to the desire of any private person or persons for his produce, his acts, or his further work.
    He is to get payment for his work, and may make suggestions about the sort of work which, in his account the opinion, he is able
    A man may get profit from work done by himself. He may get payment for transporting, or giving news about, goods to others. But he may not do business so that he gets payment or profit through 'speculation' -- that is to say, not for work of any sort but simply because he has been come between the worker or workers and those others who are in need of what the workers do or make.
   
7.     RIGHT IN PRIVATE PROPERTY
    I using his private property, if it is his by law, a man has the right to be kept safe from violent acts public or private; what is his may not be taken away from him, and he may not be forced, by fear or in any other way, to give it up.
   
8.    RIGHT OF MOVING ABOUT
    A man may go freely about the earth, if he makes all the necessary payments himself.
    But only such persons as have been given authority by the law may go without the owner's approval into a private house or into any more or less limited space which is been shut off for his use. So long as in moving about he does not go on to the private property of any other man, and does not do any sort of damage to what is not his or make it of less use, and does not seriously get in the way of others, he may come and go anywhere, by land, air, or water, over any sort of country, mountain, waste land, river, inland water, or sea, and all the wide spaces of this, his earth.
   
9.     RIGHT TO BE FREE
    If a man has not been said by medical authority to be a danger to himself or to others through not being right in his mind -- and any such statement will have to be supported by another authority after not more than seven days and then be looked into at least once a year -- he is not to be kept under control for more than 24 hours without hearing what he has done which, in the eyes of authorities, is against the law, and is not to be sent back to prison while the facts are further looked into for more than eight days without his agreement, or kept in prison for more than three months without being judged.
    Before he is judged, he is to be given a statement in writing of what will be said against him, in time to make use of it.
    At the end of three months, if he has not been judged by the normal process of law and given punishment or made free, he is to go free.
    No man may be judged more than once for the same act.
    Though the opinions which others have of any man may be given freely, he will have the necessary power of answering or going to law about any false statement which may be the cause of pain or damage to him.
    Secret records, or 'dossiers,' may not be taken into account in law.
    Such record is only a note for the use of authorities; it is not to be used in law if a public statement is not made of the facts on which it is based.
   
10.     VIOLENT ACTS
    No man is to be made to undergo any operation on, or damage to, his body without his agreement freely given, or to be attacked or controlled by force when he himself is not being violent against others, or to be given punishment in the form of pain, by blows or any other physical act.
    No man is to be made to undergo pain of mind greater than that caused by being in prison, or to be put in any prison which is dirty or has been made unhealthy by animals, disease, or any other cause, or to be put into the company of persons with body-animals or diseases which he may get from them.
    But if he himself has a disease of this sort, so that he is in a danger to others, he may be made clean or free from it, or put in a separate place, or controlled so far as may be necessary to keep others safe from him.
    It is clear that no one may be given punishment by the selection of others (as 'hostages'), by their being put in prison, or by any sort of act against them.
   
11.     RIGHT OF LAW-MAKING
    Society is based on the rights named in this Declaration ; they may not be given or taken away.
    In question of everyday control, or those about which there is general agreement, but in no others, it is clearly necessary for certain of these rights to be limited.
    (For example, in such questions of general agreement as the rule of the road or laws against the making of false money, or in such questions of control as the organization of town and country building, or public hygiene).
    No man or group in society is to be forced to keep any law of this sort if it is not been made openly by a of the greater number of those interested or by the greater number of their representatives publicly sent to make to take their place in a body made responsible by law for government.
    These representatives were to be the highest authority responsible for all laws made by organizations under their control and for detailed rulings on how the laws are to be given effect.
    In questions of general agreement and decisions taken in the interests of any group nation, men are to be ruled by the use of the greater number as fixed by the system of representative government, which gives effect to the desires of the different persons who make up a society. All laws are to be open to public discussion, and may be changed or put an end to by a representative government.
    No international or other agreements may be made secretly in the name of any nation or nations or other groups of men with a common government.
    Those responsible for making laws in a free society are all the men who make up that society, and because existence is handed on to new bodies of men and never come to an end, no one body may give up or give away the power of making and changing laws, or any part of this power; such power now being necessary to man's well-being for all time.
   
   



---

JUDICIAL JUXTAPOSITION

The NEW TESTAMENT in BASIC ENGLISH

- 387 -   { There are 70 reviews by the press of the New Testament Bible containing a sentence or two. }

    "It is only natural to fear lest the unrivalled beauty of the Authorized Version should be seriously ruined. The most cursory glance through this Basic translation of the New Testatament dispels that fear, . . . It has a distinction and attractive style of its own which may well carve for it a niche in the precincts of literature, though naturally, not all will be able at ocne to attune their ears to it. . . . It seeks a new public, not to convert the old."
        The Times.
   
    "Praise must be given, in the first place to the print, paper, and get up generally of this volume, they are excellent: and praise must be also given to those who have been responsible for the text. . . . Passage after passage reads with astonishing freshness and dignity." (Review).
    "Supposing Basic becomes widely established as a current language, can the users of that language be relied on to keep it pure... May not the consequences of a World-wide use of Basic be in the long run detrimental to the parent language, It is difficult enough already for an Englishman to convince writers not so English is himself that 'shall' is an indispensable word, and that 'will' is not a substitute for it. In Basic 'shall' has no place. Let the process go further, and who shall say, that Basic has triumphed universally, what are the losses the English language may not come in time to suffer. (Editorial)     The Times Literary Supplement.
   
    "Here, in a volume of no little beauty for type and paper is the New Testament In Basic English. . . . At a first approach the impression is one of great dignity and simplicity, and also of an engaging freshness; and fortunate indeed are those who, with no other English than Basic, are given the books of the New Testament in so satisfying and so scholarly a version. . . . It can be read for its own sake as a new, vivid, and accurate translation."     The Times Weekly Edition.
   
    "It is a serious and scholarly attempt to put a new translation into the vocabulary of Basic English. The result is a clear and lucid version, never, common or mean, which goes straight to the simple essence of meaning. . . . This New Testament in Basic English is something scientific and serviceable; it is not a substitute for the Authorized version, but it is a valuable preparation for it -- or, again, a handbook or handmaid to it"     -- Dr. Ernest Baker in The Observer.
   
    "The publishers expect it to arouse opposition. . . . If prejudice can be put aside, the Basic New Testament will stand out in its grand simplicity. When it is realized what it will mean to the reader whose native language is not English, its value will be clear."     -- C. B. Mortlock in The Daily Telegraph.
   
   " The reader who, like the present reviewer, has been conscious of a certain prejudice against Basic English should give some attention to this new translation. The work has been very carefully done, so much so that even those who miss the majesty of the Authorixedd Version will, on reflection acknowledge that new light has been thrown on many passages. Thus we can recommend it both to teachers and to the general reader."     A. M. A.
   
    "It demands a mind and an ear unusually dispossessed of prejudice to listen to the new cadences dispassionately."     The Northern Echo
   
    "This new translation is not merely simple in form ; it is illuminating. . . . 'It would startle and move anyone,' said R .L. S., 'If they could make a certain effort in imagination and read the New Testament like a book, not droning and dully like a portion of the Bible' . . . The widespread use of this said admirable translation in all schools, elementary, secondary, public and other, and in every home, will do more to revive the smoldering fire of true religion than any statutory attempt to improve so-called religious instruction"."     -- William Hazelton in The Friend.
   
   
   
   { There are a total of 70 reviews by the press of the New Testament Bible in Basic English. }
    . . . 9 more pages

---

- 397 -

EPILOGUE

    Any programme of action prepared in these critical years must be motivated by a sense of impending disaster. Moving in the shadow of universal destruction, through an ocean of blood and tears, the ark of civilization is being kept officially afloat on the edge of a maelstrom.

    Early in the 19th century the problem of Illiteracy was put amongst the urgencies and discourses were duly investigated -- or at any rate such obvious remedies were applied that the moral scandal was removed from the larger areas of Europe and America long before these areas became involved in World War I or World War II. In both these confligrations the illiterates in other areas suffered accordingly, along with the innocent quadrupeds in all countries, as the result of traditional enthusiasms which the iliterate have begun to dignify as 'ideological'.

    If those of us who are sufficiently alerted to go behind such terms as 'idleological', to the verbal and symbolic aberrations which make Word Magic possible, can give this question the priority it deserves, there may yet be time to avoid the final catastrophe; otherwise there is every prospect that theoretical reformers over-intent on village libraries or fighting soil errosion, will have the moral satisfaction of inadvertently assisting a world purged of illitrates to commit its final act of suicidal folly. Analphabetics are admittedly the victims of a particular forms of verbal illusion ; but they remain free from exploitation by print, and at least during the next twenty years are not likely to say the word which could liquidate the remaining centers of ideological activity

    To describe the conflict as 'ideological' does not seem at first sight to take us far towards the provision of criteria for educational administrators. But those who insist with some reason that we are all Bereleans nowadays are prone to overlook the pregnant saying:

He that knows names do not always stand for ideas will spare himself the labor of looking for ideas where none are to be had. It were therefore to be wish that everyone would use his utmost endeavors to obtain a clear view of the ideas he would consider, separating them from all that dross and encumbrance of words with so much contribute to blind the judgment and divide the attention."

"In vain do we extend our view into the heavens and pry into the entrails of the earth; in vain do we consult the writings of learned men, and trace the dark footsteps of antiquity; we need only to draw the curtain of words, to behold the fairest tree of knowledge, this fruit is excellent, and within the reach your hand."

    That is why this neglected reformer so infrequently reminds us that "we have first raised a dust, and then complain we cannot see." More characteristically, perhaps we are content to attribute this obscuration to a reduction of visibility. Our dusty answers reinforce that primitive magic of symbols whose million years of history are ultimately responsible for the latest forms of national ideology. So when, afrom another angle, we find the provocative author of Time and Western Man confusing:

It has always seemed to me that language is the great obstacle of international understanding, perhaps the only major obstacle" . . .

It would be rash to dismiss this into as hyperbolic.

    Today most adherents of the United Nations would be ready to admit the part played by words in the Weltanschauung of Hitler, Steoicher, Gobbels: and the dupes of these rehetoricians were perhaps the most literate products of the world which is passing away. We need not pass the claims of any particular theory, or dispute the accuracy of any particular formulation, in order to establish a prima facie case for the conclusion that there is something radically wrong with the approach to language and with the methods and outcome of our language-teaching, it all current educational systems

    That language remains a barrier, the chief barrier of world-citizenship, is only one aspect of our failure. When, therefore, we come to inquire: "what should be the chief aim of 'Mass Education' campaigns in various regions"? An increasing number of modern educationalists are persuaded that this aim, from an international standpoint, should be to give the learner such an understanding of the language he uses as will help to free him from the Tyranny of Words. And by what methods? To this question there can be only one fundamental reply: those methods which as against more imiate fluency and correctness, or the power to real commercial and rhetorical propaganda) assist the learner to distinguish what is referential in speech from what is emotive, what is exisential in reference from what is fictional, how abbreviation, expansion, and analogy can generate fictional entities, and how definition and translation should do their work.

    If such semi-technical terms appeared to be disputable in some 'philosophical' sense, it should be pointed out that in the present context they can be regarded as innocuous. They serve only to epitomize certain well-established distinctions which have been successfully applied in many linguistic fields over a long period. They have been fully explained and justified in the various contributions in theoretical and general linguistics. Anyone who prefers to make the same distinctions with the help of a different terminology would arrive the same conclusions as to the need for a thorough reorientation of linguistic training. And with this reorientation comes a new hope for the illiterate; since it is now possible, as in many sciences, to jump five centuries of erroneous practice and unprofitable routine.

    If the hasty construction and fixation in print of 100 new alphabets does no more than add 100 new tribal barriers, or verbally exploitable correction exploitable areas with potentially 'nationalistic' tendencies, to the social and educational problems of the distracted planet, what has been the achieved for the unification of humanity? It would be better to rely on Hollywood as a unifying influence and to provide another naked generation with approved styles of bespoke verbal trousering -- in the absence of a 'linguistic conscience'. From from linguistic awareness or consciousness comes in control of words, or verbal freedom, which allows a moral or normative influence to operate against the tyranny of the machine; and the moral imperatives of the resultant linguistic consciousness are clarity and simplicity.

    Before the era of World-wars there were few thinkers who concentrated their attention to the influence of language as a segregating factor and an aggravator of international troubles. The word 'international' itself has been in existence for little more than a century. It was invented by Bentham for use in certain legal contexts to which the rapid rise of 'nationalism' have given a special significance, But, whatever we may substitute in the global context, it should be clear that, though languages segregate, language can unite. - 400 -

---

Back to: Ogden's Basic English
URL: http://ogden.basic-english.org/psyche18.html